Wilhelm Kroll

"Knabenliebe" [boy-love or pederasty], article in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. 11, cols. 897-906.
 

1. General Information. It must not be forgotten that the phenomenon of pederasty is not limited to classical antiquity (e.g. Aristotle speaks of pederasty among the Celts, Politics, II 6.6. Athen. XIII 603a; nousos theeleia of the Scythians, Herodotus 1.105) and can be fully appraised only in the context of all of the available material. In this article, only that which is specific to classical pederasty is brought forward, and moral standpoints, which are often placed in the foreground under the influence of statements by ancient philosophers (e.g. Jacobs, Vermischte Schriften III p. 222), are not included here. A theoretical treatment is found in Cael. Aur. 4.9.

The roots of pederasty are found first of all in the existence of a contrary sexual feeling that is probably more frequent in southern regions than in countries with moderate climates. To this is added the status of the female sex, and slavery. Women in classical antiquity were generally considered inferior: [col. 898] marriage served the purpose of achieving legitimate progeny, while other forms of attachment served for gratification of sensuality. Thus a refinement of the sensual drive could not originate in the love of women, but only in pederasty. This is stated clearly in the synkriseis that were common later: Erotes 19ff., especially 31ff. (for this see Bloch, Dissert. Argentor. XII 285) and Achilles Tatius, see Plutarch's Erotikos, especially Ch. 4.23. Pseudo-Lucian, II 35 (for this Praechter, Hierokles 148). As for slaves, they were forced sometimes to make themselves available for pederasty, and indeed for the gratification of sensual lust in general, even though in time that was considered inferior (see col. 901 below). Ion already attests that beautiful boys (hooraioi) were chosen for table servants and that relationships were forged between them and the guests (col. 901 below), and later testimony is collected by Malten, Herm. LIII 165, see also Pseudo-Lucian 10 from the dialogue participant Callicratides: ho Atheenaios eumorfois paisin exeeskeeto, kaipaas oiketees autooi schedon ageneios een mechri tou prooton hupografentos autois chnou paramenontes. It is probably no coincidence that we have the most testimonies to intercourse with slaves coming from the Roman period. Catullus assumes in the wedding poem 61.126 that the young manor lord has a concubinus who considers himself elevated above the other slaves, but will be demoted after the lord's marriage: the jokes in reference to that are likely a part of the old fescennina iocatio. Compare Colum. I 8.1 praemoneo, ne vilicum ex eo genere servorum, qui corpore placuerunt, instituamus. Trimalchio relates (Petronius 75.11) ad delicias ipsimi annos quattordecim fui; nec turpe est, quod dominus iubet. A saying of the declamator Haterius in Seneca's Controversiae IV pr. 10 instantly illustrates this situation when cum libertinum reum defenderet, cui obiciebatur, quod patroni concubinus fuisset, he said: inpudicitia in ingenuo crimen est, in servo necessitas, in liberto officium. Thus Scapula has himself killed by a freedman who had been his concubinus (Bell. Hisp. 33.4; falsely Aust o. Vol. IV, col. 838). This is also where the contaminati and exoleti belong, see d. Lex. Compare Seneca Epistola 95.24 transeo puerorum infelicium greges, quos post transacta convivia aliae cubiculi contumeliae expectant. transeo agmina exoletorum per nationes coloresque discripta, ut eadem omnibus levitas sit, and so forth. Attractive slaves were not only bought for gratification of one's own desire (Cic. Phil. 2.45), they could also be hired out for the purpose (Val. Max. VI 1.6).

2. Dorians (see K.O. Mueller, Die Dorier II, p. 285). Among the Dorians, we find pederasty as an institution recognized by law and religion, naturally only for the Dorian upper stratum and closely associated with Dorian knighthood. [col. 899] Crete and Sparta stand out most clearly; Plato in Laws VIII 636b says that the Cretan and Spartan laws, that are otherwise so excellent, fail with regard to prohibiting pederasty. Aristotle, in Politics II 10, asserts that Minos introduced pederasty in order to prevent overpopulation; compare Fragment 611 (Heraclides' excerpt from the Politeiai) 15 about Crete tais pros tous arrenas erootikais homiliais eoikasi prooton kechreesthai, kai ouk aischron par' autois touto. Ephoros reports more precise information in Fragment 64 (from which Plutarch, Educ. puer. 15): there was a pretended kidnapping of the boy by the lover, in imitation of elopement and therefore ancient for that reason (or Vol. VIII col. 2131, compare the Corinthian story in Schol. Apoll. IV 1212. Bethe p. 448); the lover revealed his intention to the relatives three to four days ahead of time, and if they attempted to prevent the kidnapping, then that was seen as an admission that the boy was unworthy of the lover (or vice-versa). If the association was suitable according to rank, then they would offer only feigned resistance to the kidnapper. The latter would live with the kidnapped boy for two months in the country and instruct him in the skills becoming to a knight (hunting is mentioned expressly), then he would let him return to the city after presenting him with a set of military gear, a pitcher, and a steer, as well as other rich presents, from which the boy's friends would benefit as well. The boy sacrificed the steer to Zeus and then reported about his stay with the lover, as to whether he enjoyed it or not; if the latter had raped him, then he could demand that he be punished. These boys (kleinoi) enjoy special honors at dances and races and wear the military gear conferred on them by the phileetoor as a garment of honor; their designation as parastathentes shows that they fought in battle alongside the lover (see below regarding Thebes). If a boy did not find a lover, this was deemed a disgrace. Cicero, Rep. IV 3 (about Crete and Sparta) obprobrio fuisse adulescentibus, si amatores non haberent. Corn. Nep. pr. 4. In Sparta the lover was called eispneelas, the beloved aitas (the word is also attested as Thessalonian by Theocr. 12.14): the former denotes the person who infuses the favorite with courage or aretee (Aelian, Various Histories III 12 autoi goun [the boys] deontai toon erastoon eispnein autois ï Lakedaimonioon de estin hautee hee foonee, eran dein legousa), the latter denotes the listener (or well-disposed one: Skr. avati, Lat. avere). Bethe, Rheinisches Museum LXII, p. 438, attempts to show that primitive notions of infusion that must have been transferred to the sexual act, are in play here, and of course it is possible that this sometimes did play a role. But it is difficult to see in this the origin of pederasty, which is explained among the Dorians rather by camp life (on military pederasty, see Ellis 10.57.285). The lover interacted with the boy as of the age of twelve and was responsible for his raising: if the latter committed an act unbecoming to a knight, the former was punished (Plut. Lycurg. 17A. 18E. in an idealized description). In fact he, along with the male relatives, is practically the legal guardian of the youth, who did not enter the agora until the age of 30 (Plut. 25A). Xenophon, resp. Laced. 2.13 says that Lycurgus saw in this relationship the best form of pedagogy [col. 900] (joint heroic acts, e.g. hell. IV 8.39); of course his assertion that sensual pederasty was scorned, and that lovers thus felt obligated to maintain reserve, is biased (see below, col. 904) and subject to serious doubt: he himself must admit that not all believed that. Cicero, rep. IV 4, expresses himself less certainly Lacedaemonii ipsi, cum omnia concedunt in amore iuvenum praeter stuprum, tenui sane muro dissaepiunt id quod excipiunt; conplexus enim concubitusque permittunt palliis interiectis - a pitiful proposed explanation, influenced by the moral objections of a later period. We hear, for example, that Agesilaos en tais kaloumenais agelais toon suntrefomenoon paidoon had Lysander as his lover (Plut. Ages. 2; Lys. 22). Cleomenes in his youth had Xenares as his lover and later had Panteus as his beloved, who died a hero's death with him (Plut. Agis 24.2, 58.13).

We know of pederasty in Thera from the ancient rock inscriptions (7th century?) that, due to their content and the location where they were found, appear to point to a connection with gymnastics and cultic ritual (IG XII 3.536-601, 1410-1493, also Hiller v. Gaertringen, Thera I 152, III 67); the crude oifein is found only in Nos. 536-538, for example in 537 ton deina] nai ton Delfinion h(o) Krimoon te(i)de ooiphe, paida Bathukleos. Similar forms are also found elsewhere, whether under Dorian influence or as an old legacy from the age of knighthood. Plato, in Symp. 182b, and Xenophon, in Symp. 8.32, say that pederasty was the usual custom in Elis and Thebes, and Plato adds that charizesthai erastais was not considered dishonorable because the people there were too inarticulate to persuade with words. He admits that, in spite of the sensual interaction, they performed heroic deeds in shared combat. A religious dedication of the love bonds took place in Thebes at the grave of Iolaos (or Vol. IX, col. 1844); the lover presented the beloved with a set of armor (Plut. Erot. 17). The sacred band, 300 select men, consisted, according to some, of erastai and eroomenoi (Plut. Pelop. 18), and Pammenes (s. d.) explains this by the fact that the pairs of lovers would avoid any cowardly act, out of shame before one another. Dio, Or. XXII, attributes to Epameinondas the composition of the sacred band from pairs of lovers. - The story of Clemachos (Aristotle, Fragment 98 from Plut. Amat. 17) and the folk-song reproduced there oo paides, hoi charitoon te kai pateroon lachet' esthloon, mee fthoneith' hooras agathoisin homilian ï sun gar andreiai kai ho lusimelees eroos epi Chalkideoon thallei polesin attests to the same pederasty for Chalcis and its daughter cities. In Athen. XIII 601e, the Chalcidians appear along with the Cretans as the main proponents of pederasty (compare Hesych. see chalkidizein). The same pederasty is also present in the cases in which tyrants were allegedly or actually toppled by pairs of lovers (below col. 901), compare Hieron. in Athen. 602a (justified doubts in Polemon Fragment 53). Seleukos, in as late a period as 200 BC, [col. 901] places pederasty above marriage in a song (Athen. XV 697d) because a boy can be an aid in battle; compare v. Hahn, Albanesische Studien 176, 201.

3. Athens. Pederasty will have come to Athens through the Dorians, but here it does not exhibit a knightly character. Solon already dealt with it in his songs and in his laws - with naive approval of its sensual nature in the songs (frg. 25), and with an aim of controlling abuses in the laws. He excluded slaves from the wrestling halls and from pederasty (Aeschines, Timarchus, 138f., later Plutarch, Solon, 1 and others) and acknowledged thereby that the two things go together: this is confirmed by the vases and many statements. Cf. Plato, Republic V 452c (Cretans and Spartans are the founders of the gymnasia); Laws I 636c. Aristophanes, Birds 143. Aeschines, Timarchus 135 ouk aischunomai autos men en tois gumnasiois ochleeros oon kai pleistoon erastees gegonoos. Plutarch, Erot. 4. 5 (IV 402, 8. 404, 18B.). Pseudo-Lucian Amores 3. 9 (above Vol. VII p. 2038, 2058). Many other laws that took effect later - that sought to control professional pederasty which alone was deemed to affect one's honor - known mostly likewise from Aeschines, may also be derived from Solon: thus the relative who lent out a ward for illicit intercourse was punished (§ 13); even hubris against slaves was prosecuted (§ 14, see above Vol. IX p. 31). Anyone who was indicted for hetaireesis was disgraced and was excluded not only from offices, but even from speaking before the council and the people (§ 19. 29. Demosthenes. 22, 30, see above Vol. VIII p. 1372); exclusion from the temples is asserted by Demosthenes 22, 73. That these laws are occasionally dug out and applied (usually in someone's personal interest) is shown by Aristophanes, Eq. 877, where Cleon boasts epausa tous binoumenous ton Grutton eksaleipsas (from the leeksiarchikon grammateion). - Pederasty was therefore already common practice by the 6th century; the description given by Aristophanes, Clouds 973, of the pure morals of the ancient peoples, is tendentious. Aristogeiton appeared early as the lover of Harmodius (above Vol. II p. 930, cf. above for other murderers of tyrants). Where we have a richer tradition, in the 5th century, pederasty appears in full bloom: that Themistocles and Aristeides were competing for the favors of the beautiful Stesileos (Plutarch, Themistocles 3) may be invented, but Ion (FHG II 64) testifies that Sophocles was a philomeiraks. Comedy assumes pederastic relationships everywhere, and takes its most risque jokes from this sphere , such as Aristophanes Eq. 428 kreas ho prooktos eichen (Vahlen, Herm. XXVI 166). Clouds 1085 proves the adikos logos that only the euruprooktoi play a role in the state, and in Eccl. 112 it says that the best speakers among young people are the pleista spodoumenoi (see on this Gerhard, Phoinix 147). The number of expressions for the entire topic, that comedy in particular provide us with, is downright astounding (Meier 153). Later we encounter titles like Antiphanes's Paiderastes, and Diphilos's Paiderastai. However, the vases show us even from the time of the older black-figured style, but especially in that of the strict red-figured style, pederastic scenes of a coarsely sensual nature (Hartwig Meisterschalen 237) partly in the form [col. 902] of the love courting that often occured in the wrestling hall (e.g. Berlin 2184, 2291, selection Gerhard A. V. 278ff.). Important painters like Peithinos, Hieron, Brygos, and Duris participate in such depictions. Eros appears according to Furtwaengler Myth. Lex. I 1353 on strict red-figured vases only in scenes that show the interaction of men and teenage boys; so much did paidikos eros dominate social life at that time (see also Eros in Plato, Pseudo-Lucian, Amores 32). Therefore, 528 names are given the epithet kalos[a masculine adjective meaning "beautiful"], only 30 kalee [the feminine version] (Klein 2). Also belonging to this period is the Etruscan painting, entirely Greek in style, that exhibits unmistakable symplegmata, published by Weege, Arch. Jahrb. XXXI Plate 8; Etruskische Malerei, Beilage II. To what extent the affectionate names on the vases should be interpreted in terms of pederasty remains doubtful; Wernicke's idea of relating them directly to favorites of the painter himself (Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen, Berlin 1890), is off the mark, at least for the most part. See W. Klein, Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsinschriften, Leipzig 1898. The accompanying of a boy by the paidogogos (see term) is necessary precisely because he is threatened by dangers from lustful men (Plato, Symposium, 183c, regarding a later period Casaubonus on Pers. 5, 30. Sievers, Libanios 21). But only submission for payment was deemed truly scornful: thus Pseudo-Theogn. 1261. 1301 accuses his boy of eethos iktinou and margon, and Aeschines praises nonprofit pederasty (to eran toon kaloon kai soophronoon) and rejects paid pederasty, and also gives a catalogue of love relationships of both types (Timarchus 137. 156ff.) while emphasizing the fact that pederasty per se does not bring criticism of either the lover or the beloved. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 153. Andok. I 100. Lysias's speech against Simon has to do with the fact that the rivalry between Simon and the accuser for the love of a boy from Plataiai led to violence: Simon gave the boy 300 drachmas and entered into an actual contract with him (§ 22), although according to the assertion of the accuser his entire assets only came to 250 drachmas. Even harsher is the image that Aeschines's speech against Timarchos unfolds; he tries to prove about him that he had fallen to atimie because of illicit intercourse and wastefulness: even if a large portion of the accusations is invented, they still have a certain symptomatic truth. Timarchos stayed in a Iatreion as a youth, allegedly in order to learn medicine, but in reality in order to sell himself. Then he gave himself for money to Misgolas, who was infamous for his interaction with musicians (§ 40f.). When Misgolas was no longer able to pay, he passed from one hand to another, and sold himself temporarily in a dice parlor (§ 53): it is debated whether the notarial recording of such a contract before witnesses makes the situation more acute (§ 160). Professional pederasty was so widespread, that there were brothels for it (§ 74 toutousi tous epi toon oikeematoon kathezomenous, see Diogenes Laertius II 105. Martial XI 45) and the whore tax was collected from such boys (§ 119).

4. Mythical and historical love pairs. That pederasty is not mentioned in the Homeric poems, [col. 903] or at least not by name, was noticed already by the ancients (Aeschines, Timarchus 142, see Pseudo-Lucian, Amores 35); but later, probably unconsciously, pederasty was imputed to Homeric friendships and, for example, Aeschylus in the Myrmidons has Achilles and Patroclus be connected by pederasty (fr. 153). Pederastic relationships were attributed in poetry to Heracles and Apollo. There is very old mention of Iolaos as the lover of Heracles (above p. 900, 39), and Hylas and Eurystheus can also be mentioned. But one should be cautious of dating this view back too far (which Beyer tends to do). Apollo was known as the lover of Hyacinthos (see above Vol. IX p. 9) and Admetos (Callim. Hymn. 2, 47). The erotic interpretation of the kidnapping of Ganymede is not found prior to Plato and Pseudo-Theognis (Beyer 42). Later in Euripides the motif occured that the love of Laios for Chrysippus was the cause of the curse weighing on the Labdakidan house; Bethe (see above Vol. III p. 2499) would like to attribute that to the ancient Oidipodia. Most of this type (see Beyer) originates with the Alexandrine period; at that time Phanocles created a pederastic catalogue poem in his Erootes ee kaloi.

Of the historic persons who have not yet been mentioned, I will name Hieron: for when Xen. Hier. 1, 33 mentions Dailochos as his beloved, there will be some truth behind it. It is said of Pheidias that he etched the name of his favorite Pantarkes on the finger of Olympian Zeus (Clem. Protr. 53, 4 p. 41, 18 St. Brunn Kirchengeschichte I 160). Aristodemus of Cyme bore the attribute malakos (Dion. Hal. VII 2, 4). Epameinondas had two favorites, one of whom fell with him at the battle of Mantineia (Plutarch, Erot. 761d). The Phocian Onomarchus is called philopais by Athen. XIII 605a. With respect to Alexander the Great, it may be gossip: Dikaiarch FHG II 241 reports of his love for the eunuch Bagoas (above Vol. V p. 552), and naturally the relationship with Hephaistion was interpreted that way (Diogen. ep. 24). The love of King Antigonos for a musician is reported by Antigonos of Carystos (p. 117 Wil.).

5. Poetry and philosophy. Besides Solon, Ibycos (above Vol. IX p. 817) and Anacreon (above Vol. I p. 2037) glorified pederasty. The boys praised by the latter were probably the favorites of Polycrates (peri tas toon arrenoon homilias eptoeemenos Athen. XII 540e), whom von Wilamowitz (Staat und Gesellschaft 92) compares to the mignons of Henry III. Pindar places pederasty above the love of women in his poem about Theoxenos (frg. 123B.). The genuine Theognis elegies reveal signs of a similar relationship with Cyrnos as the Dorian knight had to his parastatheis, but without the sensual element being obvious; the appendix is different, though, which represents the old crude morality (see Pseudo-Lucian, Amores 53). Love poetry dealt with pederasty since the 4th century. Theocritus tells of the love of Heracles for Hylas (c. 13) and humorously depicts that of Eispnelos for Aites (c. 14); an imitator (c. 23) recounts an erootikon patheema, that is based on the cruelty of the beloved boy. Callimachos does not disdain pederasty (ep. 28, 5), and it [col. 904] now becomes a frequent motif in epigram writing: from the wreath of Meleager, Anth. Pal. XII 37-172 offers much. It now becomes fashionable to transfer motifs from the love of women to pederasty, as we see in large part in Petronius's novel, and in small part, for example, in Tibull's Marathus poems (Wilhelm, Rheinisches Museum LVII 55). To mention only one, the thuraulein before the door of the boy is just as frequent as before that of the girl: Theocritus 23, 17. Catullus 63, 65. Anth. Pal. XII 14. Horace considers the mixing-in of pederastic motives in his odes to be necessary for the sake of completeness (Heinze on c. IV 1). On syncrisis, see above p. 898,5. Wilhelm 59. Ovid Ars II 683. Strato elaborates these motifs with great pleasure, then, in his Mousa paidikee, which are mere play for him. A nomos for cinaedi by a Sybarite Hemitheon is mentioned by Lucian adv. ind. 23 (cf. Pseudo-Lucian 3).

Philosophical debates about pederasty likely began during the sophistic period, and Lysias' Erotikoi (a parody of Plato's Phaedrus), mentioned by Pseudo-Plutarch in Vitae 836b, may well have been an echo of that. Given the social significance of the phenomenon and his strong interest in the Dorian heritage, Socrates could hardly have passed over it. The idea of ennobling pederasty not only from a knightly point of view, but also from a philosophical point of view, most certainly originates with him, and Plato deepened the idea and cast it into an artistical mold (Bruns, Vortraege und Aufsaetze 118). In Phaedrus as in the Symposium, he attempts to transform sensual love - the healthy core of which he, with his truly hellenic feeling, does not misapprehend - into a philosophical eros (von Wilamowitz Plato I 44. 363). At the end of his life, now from the standpoint of a practical statesman, he returns to the subject in the Laws and he rejects sensual love unconditionally (Bruns 141). Plato's arguments made a huge impression and influenced all further debates about pederasty. (Among later authors, see Plut. Erot. 4, e.g. p. 402, 4 eis Eroos gneesios ho paidikos estin. Pseudo-Lucian 31. Max. Tyr. diss. 18-21. H.). Antisthenes took a sharply rejecting attitude toward it, and Xenophon is under his influence in the Symposium (Bruns 133. 138, see memor. I 2, 29); on the other hand, in Anab. II 6, 28 he appears to criticize the relationship between Menon and Tharypas only because it ageneios oon geneioonta eichen (as the sprouting of the beard designates even in epigrammatic literature the time when the youth is no longer suited for pederasty). While the older Stoa accepted Plato's philosophical Eros (Zeno I 248 A, Bloch 273), Epicure wants nothing to do with it (Philod, mus. 78, 10K.), and the same standpoint is represented by the Cynics (except for a few backsliders), who assert the absence of homosexual tendencies among animals as an argument; it appears that we have the remains of an antipederastic moral poem on papyrus (Gerhard Phoinix 141). Even more popular is the treatment in Pseudo-Demosthenes, Erotikos, which is addressed to a young apobate and discourages sensuality under Platonic influence (Wendland Anaximenes 71). The popular-philosophical polemic against it is taken up by Jews and Christians: for the Jews see [col. 905] Orac. Sibyll. II 73 with Geffcken's evidences and Pseudo-Phocyl. 3. 189f. (on this Rossbroich De Pseudo-Phocylideis, Muenster, 1910, 28. 94), for the latter Paul, Letter to the Romans 1:27; I Corinthians 6:9; I Timothy 1:10). (Geffcken Zwei Apologeten 87, 233). - By the way, Plato's stories about Socrates's relationship with Alcibiades (Symp. 217a) and Charmides (Charm. 155d) had the result that Socrates was called a pederast in meanspirited polemics (Helm Lucian and Menippos 229. Gesner, Socr. sanctus paederasta, Comment. Soc. Goettingen II 1). Plato himself is suspected by the Aristippus book (Diog. Laert. III 29), which also imputed pederastic relationships to other philosophers, especially Academics (von Wilamowitz, Antigonos 48).

6. Rome. To the Romans, pederasty appeared to be a Greek custom. Cic. Tusc. V 58 by Dionys of Syracuse: qui cum ... haberet etiam more Graeciae quosdam adulescentis amore coniunctos. That did not prevent them from taking it over early on. Admittedly, the story of T. Veturius or C. Publius (Livy VIII 28. Val. Max. VI 1, 9. Dion. Hal. XVI 4, 2) that belongs to the end of the 4th century, may be apocryphal (Meier 151), but there can be no doubt about the action of the aedile Marcellus (died 208) against Scantinius quod filium suum de stupro appellasset (Val. Max. VI 1, 3). See also Livy XXXIX 42, 5 = Plutarch, Titus 18 (L. Flaminius takes a favorite boy with him to the provinces). Many allusions in Plautus require his audience to have just as much alertness to such allusions as was observed in the time of the ancient comedies (Asin. 703; Capt. 867; Most. 847; Pseud. 782. 1180. 1189). Catullus is full of it, and even if c. 56, 99 are conventional, other poems show a real concern for the chastity of Iuventius (c. 15, 21): pedicare and irrumare are familiar words to him, no less than to the Pompeians who wrote on walls (e.g. CIL IV 2375 Ampliate, Icarus te pedicat, Salvius scripsit. CEL 45). The accusation of unchastity is no less common in Cicero than in the Attic speechmakers (Suess, Ethos 249): see especially Phil. II 45; p. red. sen. 11; Mil. 55 (by Clodius) qui semper secum scorta, semper exoletus, semper lucas duceret. Antony sumpratton tois eroosi kai skooptomenos ouk aeedoos eis tous idious eroontas Plutarch, Ant. 4, 5. Horace is accused of having mille puellarum, puerorum mille furores (s. II 3, 325). From the imperial period we hear lots of gossip especially about the debauchery of the emperors: Tiberius (Suet. 43, above Vol. X p. 517), Caligula (Suetonius 36), Nero, whose fake wedding with Sporus is described (above Supplement III, p. 388). Val. Max. VI 1 and Martial (e.g. II 51, IX 8, XI 45. 88) offer all kinds of material. There are important statements from the satiricians like Juvenal 10, 295, to the effect that parents of a beautiful boy always have to worry about his chastity (see 2, 17. 50), and especially what Quintilian I 2, 2. 4. 3, 17 says about the menacing dangers in school and from pedagogues (see on this Horace S. I 6, 81 and the novel of Petronius 85). The gaming chips should also be mentioned on which common insults like impudens, cinaedus, pathice are written just as in Catullus (Huelsen, Roemische Mitteilungen 1896, 228). Little is proven, of course, by declamation topics like Quint. decl. 3.

[col. 906] Information about legislation is provided by Mommsen, Strafrecht 703. Struprum cum masculo was subject to domestic discipline (Val. Max. 5) and was prosecuted by the army with corporal punishment (Polybius VI 37,9). Toward the end of the republic, there was a lex Scantinia that set a fine of 10,000 sestercia on it (Cael. Cic. ep. VIII 12, 3. Auson. epigr. 92 p. 346P.). Justinian equates it with a violation of chastity: the seducer was subject to the death penalty, and the seduced was subject to the loss of half his property; here we see clearly the influence of rigorous Christian morality (Inst. IV 18, 4, see Nov. 77 p. 382, 1. 141 with the argument of the aloga, see above p. 904, 58). That a change occured since the 3rd century under Germanic influence and that pederasty was condemned more sharply and more carefully hidden, is an assertion by Seeck that can scarcely be approved (Untergang der antiken Welt I 421): to the extent that it is accurate, it is due to Christianity. See Cyprian ad Donat. 9 libidinibus insanis viros viri proruunt: fiunt, quae nec illis possunt placere qui faciunt ... idem in publico accusatores, in occulto rei, in semet ipsos censores pariter et nocentes. damnant foris, quod intus operantur, admittunt libenter, quod cum admiserint criminantur. See what Libanius, or. 37, 3 tells about Helpidius (also or. 38, 8. 39, 5).

7. Literature. Meier in Ersch and Gruber III 9, 149-189. Rosenbaum, Die Lustseuche im Altertum, Halle 1845, 116. Becker-Goell, Charikles II 252ff. (there p. 284 older literature). Ellis-Symonds, Das kontraere Geschlechtsgefuehl, German translation by Kurella, Leipzig 1896 (Chapter 3: Homosexuality in Greece). Bethe, Rheinisches Museum LXII 438. R. Beyer, Fabulae graecae quatenus quave aetate puerorum amore commutatae sint, Leipzig 1910. See also the articles Kinaidos, Tribades, Weib [woman].

[W. Kroll]